Locality and Syntactic Structures


Contents


         
Preface v
 
PART I
LOCALITY IN BINDING
1. COMP as a SUBJECT 2
  1. Introduction 2
  2. COMP Is a SUBJECT 4
  3. Effects on Anaphors 12
  4. Effects on Pronominals 19
  5. Conceptual Consequences 21
  6. Traces of Rightward Movements 24
  7. Differentiation and Parameterization of SUBJECT 25
  8. Conclusions and Implications 33
2. Bounding of Rightward Movements 37
  1. Baltin's Generalized Subjacency 37
  2. RM-traces Are Anaphor 39
  3. Bounding of Rightward Movements 41
3. Transportability, Scope Ambiguity of Adverbials, and the Generalized Binding Theory 45
  1. Introduction 45
  2. Adverbial Preposing and Binding Theory 47
  3. The Representation of Durational PPs 53
  4. Transportability of -ly Adverbs 59
  5. Alternative Approaches 66
  6. Wh-Movement of Adverbials 68
  7. Scope and Transportability in Negative Sentences 74
    7.1. The Structure of Not 74
    7.2. Negative Sentences with Activity and State Verbs 78
    7.3. Negative Sentences with Auxiliaries 79
  8. A Binding Principle and Chain 82
  9. Conclusion 86
4. Three Empty Category Principles as Licensing Conditions on Binding Path 91
  1. Introduction 91
  2. The CEC 93
  3. The CEC and Parasitic Gaps 96
  4. The S-association Requirement 102
    4.1. Reformulation of the ECP by S-association 102
    4.2. Path Index Equation 106
  5. Bounding Condition 108
  6. Conclusion 113
5. Binding Path and Dependent Categories 119
  1. Introduction 119
  2. Essence of Binding Path Theory 122
  3. RM-traces 130
    3.1. S-associator for RM-trace 130
    3.2. Bounding of Rightward Movements 136
  4. Noncomplement Wh-Traces 141
  5. Treatment of Parasitic Gaps 151
  6. Wh-In-Situ 159
    6.1. Wh-in-situ and S-association 159
    6.2. [+Verbal] S-associator Restriction 163
  7. Wh-Island Violations 170
  8. Conclusions and Implications 174
    8.1. Summary 174
    8.2. S-Association and Dutch Data 175
6. Kiss's Case Transmittance Approach and the Binding Path Approach to Parasitic Gaps 183
  1. Kiss's Approach to Parasitic Gaps 183
  2. Binding Path Approach 187
  3. Conclusion 192
7. Another Response to Kiss 195
  1. Distinction Between Accusative and Oblique 195
  2. Ad Hoc Patchworks 199
  3. Conclusion 205
8. Another Type of Antecedent Government 207
  1. The Complement Principle and the Interpretive Nesting Requirement 207
  2. Problems with the Complement Principle and the Nesting Requirement 210
  3. Adjunct Chain and Relativized Minimality 213
  4. AD- and A-Antecedent Government 223
  5. Conclusion 225
 
PART II
ELABORATION OF SYNTACTIC STRUCTURES
9. The V4 System and Bounding Category 228
  1. Introduction 228
  2. Motivation for the V4 System 229
    2.1. Syntactic Differences Between Two Groups of S-Adverbs 229
    2.2. Four Groups of Adverbs 231
  3. Internal Structures of Clauses 235
    3.1. Environments Where Each Group of Adverbs Appears 235
    3.2. Environments Where Other V4-Constituents 242
    3.3. Restrictive and Nonrestrictive Relatives 246  
  4. Adverbial Subordinate Clauses 247
    4.1. Classification of Adverbial Clauses 247
      4.1.1. Replacement by Do So 248
      4.1.2. Focus of Cleft Sentence 249
      4.1.3. Scope of Negation 249
      4.1.4. Missing Subject 250
      4.1.5. Transposability 253
      4.1.6. Question 254
    4.2. Environments Where Each Group of Adv-Clauses Appears 255
    4.3. Where Preposed Adv-Clauses Are Attached 257
  5. The V4 System and Extraction Phenomena 260
10. On the Case Adjacency Condition 268
  1. Adjacency and Adverbs 268
  2. Relaxation of Adjacency 271
  3. Independent Motivation for the Relaxation 272
  4. Effects of the Relaxation on Other Case-Assignments 274
  5. Conclusion 280
11. Secondary Predication 284
  1. Introduction 284
  2. Subj-predicates Are in IP 285
  3. A Condition on Predication 297
  4. Predication at S-structure 300
  5. Mobility of Secondary Predicates 307
    5.1. Wh-Movement 307
    5.2. Other "Movements" 314
  6. Conclusion 318
12. Complementizer Selection 325
  1. Distribution of Complementizers 325
  2. Split-Comp Hypothesis 327
  3. Complement Selection 334
    3.1. Canonical Structural Realization 335
    3.2. Checking Theory for Complement Selection 336
      3.2.1. Selection Checking 336
      3.2.2. Selectional Feature Checking 338
  4. Adjacency Condition on Null-that-clauses 341
    4.1. Reduction of the Adjacency Condition to the Minimal Link Condition 341
    4.2. Exemption from the Adjacency Condition 343
  5. Another Head-Movement for Selection Checking 345
  6. Conclusion 346
13. Concessive Expressions and Complementizer Selection 352
  1. Complementizer Selection by Concessive Expressions 352
  2. Complementizer Selection by Lexical Heads 353
  3. Transparent Structures for the Concessives 354
  4. Conclusion 356


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